Saudi ambassador to the United States Adel al-Jubeir announced that the Saudi Air Force had begun conducting airstrikes against the Houthi rebels. The strikes began on March 26, the day after Yemeni President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi fled the nation by sea. Jubeir said the attacks would keep coming until the deposed government was restored. But since Hadi has fled the nation, that eventuality is fading fast.

So far, the airstrikes have been focused on Houthi-controlled cities across the country in an effort to slow the charge of the Shiite militias. Houthis have been driving south toward the port city of Aden, seizing territory with ease.

The Houthis have had a string of successes since their initial takeover of the capital Sanaa in late September. This week they initiated a second push, driving south toward the last remnants of Hadi’s forces in and around Aden. The second push has been aided by a 185-ton weapons shipment from Iran, which came through the Houthi-controlled al-Saleef port. The Houthi immediately put the weapons to use.

In response, Saudi Arabia, the chief backer of the Sunni populace, has spearheaded a series of airstrikes backed by multiple Arab nations. This escalation in Saudi Arabia’s role shows how vital Yemen is to both Sunni and Shia interests.

The airstrikes have dragged the proxy war out of the shadows. Historically, the Saudis have favored a more subtle opposition to Iran. Counterbalancing Iran’s rise in recent years has mainly come through the use of arms, training and support for Iran’s opponents. In Syria, Sunni militants receive funding from the Saudis to fight against Iranian-backed Syrian President Bashar Assad. The Saudis themselves have not done the fighting.

But Yemen can no longer remain in the same category as Syria’s proxy war. As of Thursday, Saudi Arabia became directly involved. The Saudis are not allowing Yemen’s debilitated military to fly sorties. It is Saudi pilots in Saudi planes attacking Houthi targets. The Saudis are operating directly.

As for Iran’s role, to date it hasn’t sent any large-scale troop deployments. Support has primarily come through funding the Houthi group. There has been no need for direct involvement because Houthi militias have had great success in bringing Shiite control to Yemen.

But now the question is, what will Iran do to maintain its victories? The Gulf Cooperation Council, comprised of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, is already discussing sending troops. All but Oman have signed off on a plan to step in and provide support to the Yemeni government, though not all will provide military support.

It wouldn’t be the first time Arabic troops have descended on Yemen. In August 2009, Operation Scorched Earth began. It was a Yemeni military offensive against the Shiite Houthi group. Saudi Arabia joined the fight in early November, making it the first Saudi military operation since 1991. The fighting continued until a truce was struck in February 2010. But once the dust and desert sands had settled, the fact was that the Houthis—outnumbered and outgunned by the Saudi, Jordanian, Moroccan and Yemeni forces—were still very much alive.

Should this Sunni-Arabic alliance send troops to curtail the rise of the Houthis, Iran may not need anything more than weapons to ensure the capital remains in Shiite hands. The last time the Houthis battled the Saudis, they were far weaker and up against a much stronger Yemeni government. They also controlled far less territory than they do today. If there is a fight, the Houthis have a much stronger position today than they did five years ago.

The other question is whether or not Iran will now throw itself directly into the turmoil. Emboldened by recent events in Iraq, this is a possibility. Iran has gotten away with heavy military activity in Iraq; why not try it in Yemen? Iran has jets in the air and troops on the ground throughout Iraq, fighting to defend “Shiite interests.”

Under the guise of the protection of Shiites abroad, Iran could easily work to counter any Sunni troop deployments with its own military might. Such a move would put the largest powers in the Shiite-Sunni struggle directly in each other’s crosshairs.

The Saudis cannot afford to see Yemen fall to Iran. The porous border between Yemen and Saudi Arabia would quickly become a back door into the Saudi nation. Add to that the fact that Yemen is gatekeeper to one of the most strategic waterways in the world, and suddenly you see why Yemen is so important.

As Trumpet editor in chief Gerald Flurry wrote in the April edition of the Trumpet, “The Houthis’ takeover of Yemen was not just a grassroots revolution. It was a part of a deliberate and calculated Iranian strategy to conquer the Red Sea.” Mr. Flurry’s article explains how Iran’s seizure of Yemen is making the nations that depend upon Middle East oil increasingly wary.

Right now we see the Saudis striking out against Iranian interests. However, Bible prophecy indicates that another far greater power will be the one to put a stop to Iran’s belligerence.

Europe is watching Yemen closely. It too faces dire risks should Iran take control of Yemen. While the Saudis are being surrounded, Europe faces a different threat. The Red Sea trade route with its daily intake of 3.8 million barrels of oil will be seriously curtailed if the Bab el-Mandeb Strait is sealed. If Iran takes control, it would have the ability to halt oil flow through both the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf—an economic nuclear bomb.

Europe needs that oil, and it sees the potential devastation that Tehran could cause if it had its hand on the spigot. Bible prophecy indicates that Europe won’t allow such an outcome—at least not for long.

Mr. Flurry’s article “Iran Gets a Stranglehold on the Middle East” explores the current Iranian tactics in Yemen and how they relate directly to a future confrontation with Saudi Arabia and, more importantly, Europe. For more insight into Europe’s future involvement in Iranian tactics, request Gerald Flurry’s free booklet “Germany’s Secret Strategy to Destroy Iran.”