Washington Post called it a “devastating blow to Iran’s conservatives.” The New York Times heralded it a “resounding victory” for the president. cnn said the win “reverberated in seats of power across the globe.” The Guardian labeled it a “huge victory for reformists.”

Such were the accolades hastily bestowed on Iranian President Hassan Rouhani following his May 19 election victory.

But the mainstream media shouldn’t be so quick to praise a president who has promised so much and delivered so little.

Many of Rouhani’s promises from his first-term campaign were regurgitated in his latest campaign speeches: more freedom for the press, the liberation of political prisoners, higher standard of living, reform. There are just a few of the pledges recycled on the campaign trail. The questions must be asked: Will the status quo change in Rouhani’s second term? Does he even want it to?

As long-term readers of the Trumpet are aware, we watch Iran with keen interest because of the role it is about to play on the world scene. Contrary to mainstream reports, Iran’s election is not a herald of reform or a victory to moderation—it is quite the opposite.

No Power to Change

Firstly we should explore Rouhani’s ability to change Iran.

On the campaign trail Rouhani pitted himself against his chief rival Ibrahim Raisi and his hard-line supporters. Such a move by Rouhani won few friends in the conservative camp. According to Politico:

[A]s an insider of more than 30 years, Rouhani suddenly appropriated the language of dissent and seemingly presented himself as a critic of the system. And now the system is ready to strike back. [Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali] Khamenei still controls all the relevant institutions and the Guards hold sway over much of Iran’s economy. It is hard to see how even Rouhani’s most modest policy ambitions can be implemented.

Even if Rouhani did want change, according to the media he will now cop resistance from Iran’s jilted ultra-right. If Rouhani was unable to reform Iran in his first term, will the animosity of the right make his second term any smoother?

One of the big promises Rouhani made was economic relief to Iran’s working classes. This is squaring up to be an impossible task. The nation suffers in part because of sanctions—sanctions put in place because of Iran’s missile and terrorist activity. To bring economic prosperity would mean firstly bringing an end to Iran’s terror-sponsorship. And that would involve altering the core religious values of some of Iran’s most powerful religious zealots—including the ayatollah himself. Again, impossible.

At the end of the day the president is the puppet to the supreme leader and the Guardian Council. Neither is elected. Neither is obligated to win over the electorate. They make the rules, not Rouhani.

But even if the way were opened for Rouhani to reform Iran, would he do it?

No Desire to Change

Perhaps Iran’s greatest chance at reform came in 2009 in the form of the Green Movement. Born in the wake of another farce election, the Green Movement was an indigenous uprising against the current system. But as most are aware, it garnered little attention from the West and inevitably failed. Where was Rouhani at this critical juncture of reform?

He was firmly in the conservative camp! Up until 2009, Rouhani was an active member of the Combatant Clerics Association. While not an official political party, the group is one of the biggest political factions in Iran. At its founding in 1977, the group worked to overthrow the shah and preserve the revolution. Politically the group is considered right wing. Ideologically it stands against the Green Movement. Supreme Leader Khamenei is one of the founding members.

While Rouhani officially became an inactive member in 2009, he has been more active than ever before in support of the regime. Today, as president, he bankrolls it!

According to Arab News contributor Majid Rafizadeh:

Rouhani increases Iran’s legitimacy globally so hard-liners can pursue their ideological agenda more freely. He plays the good cop, bad cop political game very well. We should not forget that it was under Rouhani that the irgc significantly increased its regional interventions.

But of course, coming to Rouhani’s aid is the mainstream media. Rouhani’s lack of first-term action—particularly bringing economic relief to the masses wasn’t his fault. According to cnn, “the benefits have been largely limited by a fall in global oil prices and U.S. President Donald Trump’s election, which introduced uncertainty for investors.”

So it is Trump’s fault that the irgc is receiving more funding than ever before? Or perhaps it was falling oil prices that made Rouhani’s government implement the highest military budget since the 1979 Revolution?

The world is ignoring the fact that in his first term in office, Rouhani was complicit in Iran’s terror sponsorship.

Despite the facts, so many in the West are looking at Rouhani’s reelection as a good thing—perhaps the lesser of two evils. But as we wrote before the election, “Iran’s Next President Will Be a Hard-liner.” Both Rouhani and Raisi were hard-liners. Regardless of who sits in the presidential office, Iran is headed down the extremist path. The Trumpet bases this claim on the sure word of Bible prophecy.

For years we have identified Iran as the prophesied “king of the south” found in Daniel 11. You can read about it in our free booklet The King of the South. The rise of this power and its pushy foreign policies will be a harbinger of World War iii. And World War iii is prophesied to come about right before the return of Jesus Christ (Matthew 24:21-22). That is why we ought to pay close attention to what is happening in Iran today.

Rouhani is no moderate. The moderates did not win the election. Victory instead went to Khamenei and the nuclear-aspiring hard-liners. Your Bible makes known Iran’s ambitions. The mainstream media has been fooled by Rouhani’s smile—if you know your Bible and the prophecies in Daniel 11, you won’t be.